Report Outline
Spending and Politics
Defense Cost Containment
Arms Restraint Option
Special Focus
Spending and Politics
Fiscal 1985 Budget and Five-Year Plan
Even before feb. 1, when President Reagan asked for a 13 percent increase in defense spending for fiscal 1985, it was assumed that Congress would not give him as much as he wanted. Almost everyone agreed that Reagan's request for $305 billion in spending authority for the Pentagon had to be cut, mainly to staunch the enormous budget deficits the federal government has been running up in recent years. The president himself conceded the point March 15 when he agreed to support a deficit-reduction package that would cut the increase in defense spending to slightly more than 7 percent. So far, however, there has been little serious debate about the larger security issues raised by Reagan's long-term defense program or about how, over the next five years, the country can sustain the level of spending needed to complete the military buildup he initiated in 1981.
Reagan's fiscal 1985 defense request, without correcting for inflation, is more than double the amount Congress appropriated for the Pentagon in fiscal 1980. After taking inflation into account, the fiscal 1985 request is nearly 60 percent higher than the Pentagon's fiscal 1980 appropriation. Data prepared by the Congressional Budget Office indicate that the country now is spending more on defense than it spent at the height of the Vietnam War, in constant dollars, and that it soon will be spending more than at the peak of the Korean War.
For the five-year period beginning with fiscal 1985, the Reagan defense plan calls for total expenditures of $1.9 trillion. Plainly, one of the main issues facing Americans and their elected representatives this election year is whether a continuing military buildup of this size should be bought at the cost of still greater federal borrowing, tax increases or further cuts in domestic programs. To fund Reagan's $1.9 trillion program, the average American family would be required to contribute $30,000 over the next five years, John Isaacs observed in a recent issue of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. |
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Weapons of Mass Destruction |
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Jul. 29, 2016 |
Modernizing the Nuclear Arsenal |
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Mar. 08, 2002 |
Weapons of Mass Destruction |
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Jan. 31, 1997 |
Chemical and Biological Weapons |
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Jun. 24, 1994 |
Nuclear Arms Cleanup |
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Jun. 05, 1992 |
Nuclear Proliferation |
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Jun. 29, 1990 |
Obstacles to Bio-Chemical Disarmament |
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Apr. 22, 1988 |
The Military Build-Down in the 1990s |
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May 24, 1987 |
Euromissile Negotiations |
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Jul. 11, 1986 |
Chemical Weapons |
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Apr. 27, 1984 |
Reagan's Defense Buildup |
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Jun. 04, 1982 |
Civil Defense |
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Jul. 17, 1981 |
Controlling Nuclear Proliferation |
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Jun. 05, 1981 |
MX Missile Decision |
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Aug. 15, 1980 |
The Neutron Bomb and European Defense |
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Sep. 07, 1979 |
Atomic Secrecy |
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Mar. 17, 1978 |
Nuclear Proliferation |
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May 27, 1977 |
Chemical-Biological Warfare |
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May 13, 1977 |
Politics of Strategic Arms Negotiations |
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Nov. 15, 1974 |
Nuclear Safeguards |
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Jul. 01, 1970 |
Nuclear Balance of Terror: 25 Years After Alamogordo |
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Jun. 18, 1969 |
Chemical–Biological Weaponry |
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Jun. 30, 1965 |
Atomic Proliferation |
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Mar. 21, 1962 |
Nuclear Testing Dilemmas |
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Aug. 16, 1961 |
Shelters and Survival |
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Oct. 12, 1959 |
Chemical-Biological Warfare |
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May 13, 1959 |
Nuclear Test Ban |
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Dec. 04, 1957 |
Scientific Cooperation and Atlantic Security |
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May 15, 1957 |
Changing Defense Concepts |
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Jul. 03, 1956 |
Civil Defense, 1956 |
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Nov. 16, 1955 |
International Arms Deals |
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Oct. 04, 1954 |
Industrial Defense |
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Apr. 15, 1954 |
National Defense Strategy |
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Feb. 10, 1954 |
New Aproaches to Atomic Control |
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Oct. 10, 1953 |
Atomic Information |
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Apr. 11, 1952 |
Biological Warfare |
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Oct. 03, 1951 |
World Arms Race |
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Feb. 04, 1948 |
International Control of Atomic Energy |
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Dec. 06, 1946 |
International Inspection |
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Aug. 27, 1943 |
Gas Warfare |
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Jul. 24, 1937 |
The New Race in Armaments |
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May 05, 1932 |
Abolition of Aggressive Weapons |
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