Introduction On his first day in office, President Biden began advancing measures that would reverse his predecessor's hard-line immigration policies, eventually legalize millions of undocumented immigrants and ensure that the United States meets what he called “its responsibilities as both a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants.” But advocates of a fresh approach to immigration face major challenges. New waves of asylum-seekers, including record numbers of unaccompanied minors, are reaching Southern border checkpoints, straining facilities and fueling opposition to a less-restrictive immigration policy. Congressional Republicans have panned Biden's legislative proposal as “blanket amnesty,” and a federal judge quickly blocked his early bid to suspend deportations. Immigrants' advocates and progressive lawmakers want Biden to dismantle former President Donald Trump's restrictive asylum policies more quickly, even as a massive backlog of immigration court cases threatens to undermine Biden's plans. In addition, experts say, many of Trump's hundreds of immigration policy changes are so deeply woven into the federal bureaucracy, it could take years to undo them. A boy walks amid tents at a migrant shelter in Tijuana, Mexico, on Dec. 17. The Biden administration faces major challenges in implementing its less-restrictive immigration policies as new waves of asylum-seekers reach the Southern border. (AFP/Getty Images/Guillermo Arias) | Go to top Overview The families began trickling out of a bus station in Honduras on Jan. 14, first in small groups and later in massive waves. By the next day, they had formed a caravan numbering in the thousands, all headed on foot, in cars or on packed buses to the border with Guatemala and, in the coming weeks, to what they hoped would be a new life in the United States. Within a week, most were back where they started. Guatemalan security forces, acting on public health concerns related to the coronavirus and on Trump administration demands to do more to stop migrants heading north, used tear gas, batons and riot shields to break up the caravan and send most of the would-be migrants home. Honduran migrants clash with Guatemalan security forces in Vado Hondo, Guatemala, on Jan. 17. Former President Donald Trump had conditioned aid to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras on their taking aggressive action to curb northward migration. (AFP/Getty Images/Johan Ordonez) | But smaller groups continued making their way north in January and February, driven by increasingly desperate conditions in Central America's Northern Triangle — Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador — where poverty, gang violence and political instability have worsened due to the coronavirus and two devastating tropical storms in November. “There is no work in Honduras, especially after the two cyclones and the pandemic,” Dixón Vázquez, 29, said on Jan. 17. “Our goal is to reach the United States.” He and other caravan members said they see new hope in President Biden's vow to treat migrants — including asylum-seekers fleeing persecution and violence in their home countries — humanely after former President Donald Trump's four-year effort to sharply reduce options for both legal and undocumented immigrants. The expectations created by Biden's promise, however, threaten to create a new humanitarian crisis at the Southern border, as new waves of migrants flow northward from Central America and Mexico. Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said on March 16 that the government expects to encounter more migrants at the border in 2021 than in any year in the past two decades. The increasingly unmanageable situation led Biden, in an interview with ABC News the same day, to tell would-be migrants, “don't come” until his administration sets up policies and procedures to handle the new arrivals. Biden's long-term goal is to dismantle Trump's immigration programs while pursuing policies that acknowledge the “tremendous economic, cultural and social value” immigrants contribute. But the president faces major hurdles. Experts say the centerpiece of Biden's immigration agenda — legislation that offers millions of undocumented immigrants a path to citizenship but does not contain the enforcement provisions Republicans typically demand — stands little chance of passage in a closely divided, highly polarized Congress. “In its current form, it's a nonstarter,” says Lora Ries, a senior research fellow for homeland security at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in Washington. Other changes Biden wants to make through executive orders or rule changes likely will run into legal or logistical challenges, as immigration competes with the coronavirus and the economy for the president's attention. In one early setback, a federal judge granted a request from Texas to block one of Biden's first immigration actions: suspension of most deportations for 100 days. Immigration experts say growing chaos along the U.S.-Mexico border poses an even bigger threat to Biden's immigration agenda. Apprehensions of migrants at the border — including unaccompanied children — have spiked in recent months, alarming immigration officials and testing Biden's ability to maintain order while demonstrating compassion. Apprehensions at the Southwest border, which surged in the 1980s and '90s after Congress passed major immigration reforms in 1965 and 1986, have totaled less than 1 million per year since 2007. Sources: “Total Illegal Alien Apprehensions by Fiscal Year,” U.S. Border Patrol, accessed March 11, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/3758h7vy; “Southwest Border Migration FY2020,” U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Nov. 19, 2020, https://tinyurl.com/2mav8zaj Data for the graphic are as follows: Year | Number of Border Apprehensions | 1960 | 21,022 | 1961 | 21,745 | 1962 | 21,103 | 1963 | 29,644 | 1964 | 32,519 | 1965 | 40,020 | 1966 | 62,640 | 1967 | 73,973 | 1968 | 96,641 | 1969 | 137,968 | 1970 | 201,780 | 1971 | 263,991 | 1972 | 321,326 | 1973 | 441,066 | 1974 | 571,606 | 1975 | 512,264 | 1976 | 607,499 | 1977 | 733,193 | 1978 | 789,441 | 1979 | 795,798 | 1980 | 690,554 | 1981 | 749,808 | 1982 | 745,820 | 1983 | 1,033,974 | 1984 | 1,058,276 | 1985 | 1,183,351 | 1986 | 1,615,844 | 1987 | 1,122,067 | 1988 | 942,561 | 1989 | 852,506 | 1990 | 1,049,321 | 1991 | 1,077,876 | 1992 | 1,1145,574 | 1993 | 1,212,886 | 1994 | 979,101 | 1995 | 1,271,390 | 1996 | 1,507,020 | 1997 | 1,368,707 | 1998 | 1,516,680 | 1999 | 1,537,000 | 2000 | 1,643,679 | 2001 | 1,235,718 | 2002 | 929,809 | 2003 | 905,065 | 2004 | 1,139,282 | 2005 | 1,171,396 | 2006 | 1,071,972 | 2007 | 858,638 | 2008 | 705,005 | 2009 | 540,865 | 2010 | 447,731 | 2011 | 327,577 | 2012 | 356,873 | 2013 | 414,397 | 2014 | 479,371 | 2015 | 331,333 | 2016 | 408,870 | 2017 | 303,916 | 2018 | 396,579 | 2019 | 851,508 | 2020 | 400,651 | “If there is another humanitarian crisis at the border, it would … lessen the likelihood of getting Republican support in the future for bigger immigration legislation,” said Ariel Ruiz Soto, a policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute, a think tank in Washington. Republicans increasingly view deteriorating conditions at the border as a powerful weapon in their 2022 midterm election strategy. During a trip to the U.S.-Mexico border on March 15, House GOP leader Kevin McCarthy of California described the new waves of migrants as “a Biden border crisis.” Trump, aided by his top immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, used his executive power to make more than 400 changes to immigration policy. Biden can use his own executive power to immediately reverse some of those changes, but others are deeply embedded in federal regulations, experts say. “It's policy after policy layered on top of each other,” said Stephanie Leutert, director of the Central America & Mexico Policy Initiative, a research program at the University of Texas at Austin. “Each one is going to take a very long series of steps to unwind responsibly.” Further complicating Biden's plans, many of the country's 240,000 border and immigration agents remain loyal to Trump, immigration advocates say. And Miller is actively working to undermine Biden's immigration agenda, partly by encouraging GOP members of Congress to attack it. Despite such obstacles, Biden already has reversed some of his predecessor's most significant immigration changes. He has halted work on Trump's signature project, a wall along the Southern border; reversed Trump's ban on travel to the United States from some Muslim-majority and African countries; scrapped a ban on new permanent residency permits, or “green cards”; and ordered a review of Trump's restrictive asylum policies and other barriers to legal immigration, with the goal of eventually ending them. Among other things, Biden's executive orders, proclamations and memos on immigration aim to: Create a task force to reunite hundreds of children forcibly separated from their parents at the Southern border, mostly due to Trump's “zero tolerance” policy that ramped up prosecutions of migrants caught crossing the border without permission. Department of Homeland Security officials rescinded the zero-tolerance policy on Jan. 26. Stop enforcing Trump's “public charge” rule denying a green card to foreigners deemed likely to rely on public benefits such as housing assistance or Medicaid. Suspend Trump's “safe third country” deals with El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, which allowed U.S. officials to immediately return asylum-seekers to the region if they failed to seek asylum there before arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. Biden also wants to spend billions to help Northern Triangle countries attack the crime and poverty that lead people to migrate northward. Reaffirm that about 645,000 “Dreamers,” undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children, remain shielded from deportation under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. A Supreme Court ruling last June blocked Trump's 2017 attempt to scrap the program, but it faces other court challenges. Review the Migration Protection Protocols policy, known as Remain in Mexico, which requires asylum-seekers to wait south of the border while their requests for entry into the United States are processed. Homeland Security officials halted new enrollments under the policy on Jan. 20, and in February authorities began allowing Remain in Mexico asylum-seekers into the United States while their cases are reviewed. Raise the annual cap on refugee admissions to 125,000 for fiscal 2022, which begins Oct. 1. Trump had reduced the cap to a record-low of 15,000 for this fiscal year. Refugees — those fleeing persecution in their home countries — are people whose requests to move to the United States have been screened and approved by U.S. officials, unlike asylum seekers, whose requests have not yet received such approval. Hundreds rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court in 2019 as the court hears arguments on the legality of the Deferred Action on Childhood Arrivals program, which prevents the deportation of more than 600,000 people brought to the U.S. as children. (Getty Images/Chip Somodevilla) | During last year's presidential campaign, Biden had promised to immediately rescind Remain in Mexico and other Trump border policies. In December, he revised that timeline to six months, saying that acting too quickly could put “2 million people on our border.” More recently, Biden has encouraged Mexico and Guatemala to continue preventing Central American migrants from reaching the United States, and his administration has warned potential asylum-seekers against traveling to the border right now, saying the vast majority will be turned away. “I can say quite clearly: Don't come,” Biden said in the ABC interview. “We're in the process of getting set up, don't leave your town or city or community.” But Biden is taking other actions that experts and even some of the president's fellow Democrats say are creating confusion and encouraging further migration to the border. Besides allowing Remain in Mexico migrants into the country, for example, administration officials plan to convert migrant family detention centers in South Texas into processing facilities that will quickly screen families seeking asylum and release them into the United States within 72 hours. “As you move people faster (into the United States), that provides an incentive to keep the pipeline of people from Central America to continue coming,” Rep. Henry Cuellar, D-Tex., said on March 6. After declining through most of last year during the coronavirus epidemic, the number of unaccompanied children arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border — mostly teenagers — is rising to early-2018 levels. The surge coincides with a shortage of beds in government shelters due to the virus and is forcing the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to open makeshift tent facilities around the country to house the children while observing social distancing guidelines. Sources: “Latest UC Data — FY2018,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Feb. 1, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/296jzpme; “Latest UC Data — FY2019,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Feb. 1, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/3pea778n; “Latest UC Data — FY2020,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Feb. 1, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/mjthfux6; “Latest UC Data — FY2021,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, March 2, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/85km9w87; “Fact Sheet: Unaccompanied Children (UC) Program,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, March 1, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/tachwfmw; and Nick Miroff, Andrew Ba Tran and Leslie Shapiro, “Hundreds of minors are crossing the border each day without their parents. Who are they?” The Washington Post, March 11, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/2b5vvmr5 Data for the graphic are as follows: Month | Year | Average Number of Children in Shelters | January | 2018 | 7,591 | February | 2018 | 7,644 | March | 2018 | 7,727 | April | 2018 | 8,647 | May | 2018 | 9,823 | June | 2018 | 11,531 | July | 2018 | 11,785 | August | 2018 | 11,751 | September | 2018 | 13,034 | October | 2018 | 13,286 | November | 2018 | 13,936 | December | 2018 | 14,226 | January | 2019 | 11,151 | February | 2019 | 11,473 | March | 2019 | 11,851 | April | 2019 | 12,587 | May | 2019 | 13,123 | June | 2019 | 13,432 | July | 2019 | 11,049 | August | 2019 | 7,751 | September | 2019 | 5,775 | October | 2019 | 4,501 | November | 2019 | 4,054 | December | 2019 | 4,236 | January | 2020 | 3,621 | February | 2020 | 3,617 | March | 2020 | 3,541 | April | 2020 | 2,331 | May | 2020 | 1,396 | June | 2020 | 997 | July | 2020 | 834 | August | 2020 | 849 | September | 2020 | 1,330 | October | 2020 | 1,929 | November | 2020 | 2,397 | December | 2020 | 3,691 | January | 2021 | 4,020 | February | 2021 | 7,700 | Biden continues to enforce Trump's coronavirus emergency order — known as Title 42 — that requires immigration officials to summarily expel migrants who arrive at the border without documents. But he has exempted unaccompanied children from the order, even as immigration facilities strain to accommodate new waves of unaccompanied children and other asylum seekers. During the first five months of fiscal 2021, border officials reported 396,958 “encounters” with migrants at the Southern border, which includes detentions of those trying to cross without legal permission, often repeatedly, and expulsions under Title 42. That is almost double the number from the same period last year. In February, officials reported 100,441 encounters, more than five times last year's low of 17,106 in April. Detentions and expulsions remain below mid-2019 levels, but the recent buildup risks further burdening an immigration court system already facing a record-setting backlog of 1.3 million cases. (See Short Feature.) “We need to prepare for border surges now,” Timothy Perry, chief of staff at U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the agency responsible for apprehending undocumented immigrants in the country's interior, cautioned in a Feb. 12 email to other ICE officials. “We need to begin making changes immediately.” Increasing encounters involving unaccompanied migrant children are proving especially problematic. During the first five months of fiscal 2021, such encounters were up 74 percent compared to the same period last year, and rose 61 percent, to 9,457, between January and February. The New York Times reported that the number of unaccompanied children detained along the border tripled in the two-week period ending March 9. Construction crews work on a new section of a wall near Tijuana along the Southern California border with Mexico. President Biden halted work on the Trump administration's plan to extend the wall. (AFP/Getty Images/Guillermo Arias) | On March 15, border officials were holding more than 4,000 children — a record — in adult detention facilities as federal health officials struggled to find space for the children in shelters with restricted capacity due to the pandemic. Federal law requires that migrant children be transferred to the Department of Health and Human Services within 72 hours, but many of the youths had been held longer than that. In February, officials reopened a Trump-era shelter in Texas to house hundreds of unaccompanied migrant children, sparking criticism from immigration advocates. “It goes absolutely against everything Biden promised he was going to do,” said Linda Brandmiller, an immigration attorney in San Antonio, Texas. Authorities are considering housing some unaccompanied children at Fort Lee, a military base in Virginia. In March, Biden deployed the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to the Southern border to help care for unaccompanied migrant children, a sign that the number of those children is reaching crisis levels. FEMA planned to use a Dallas convention center as a temporary shelter for thousands of migrant teens. Border officials also are struggling to cope with migrants who have tested positive for the coronavirus. Authorities in at least one border community say immigration agents failed to notify them before releasing infected migrants into their area. Meanwhile, officials also have issued temporary guidelines for ICE agents, directing them to prioritize national security threats, recent border-crossers and criminals with aggravated felony convictions who might pose a threat to public safety. The number of arrests by ICE agents has fallen sharply since Biden became president. Groups that advocate for migrants have praised most of Biden's immigration moves, but they also say he should act more quickly to dump Trump's policies, including the Title 42 order. “The Biden administration has done a lot through executive action, but there are still many policies in place that are harming immigrant communities,” says Jorge Loweree, policy director at the American Immigration Council, a Washington advocacy group for immigrants. Conservatives and former Trump officials counter that Biden's moves ignore the previous administration's success in deterring mass migration at the Southern border and combating what they say are asylum-seekers' often fraudulent claims of “credible fear” of persecution or torture back home. Trump called such claims “a big fat con job.” Speaking at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Orlando, Fla., on Feb. 28, Trump said Biden has “triggered a massive flood of illegal immigration into our country, the likes of which we have never seen before.” Already, conservatives are attacking Biden's legislative proposal, which would create an eight-year path to citizenship for the about 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States and would allow Dreamers to apply for citizenship after just three years. Ries says Biden's proposal shows he is taking direction from “a radical left that will not give up on just opening the border — and doing it now.” Despite such criticism, public opinion appears to be shifting in Biden's favor on at least some immigration issues. A Quinnipiac University poll conducted between Jan. 28 and Feb. 1 found that 65 percent of respondents supported allowing undocumented immigrants to remain in the United States and eventually apply for citizenship. And most respondents said they backed Biden's decisions to halt construction on Trump's border wall (54 percent) and reverse Trump's travel ban (57 percent). Several of President Biden's immigration policies enjoy support from a majority of Americans, especially his plan to allow immigrants brought to the United States as children to eventually become citizens. Source: “61% Optimistic About Next Four Years With Biden in Office, Quinnipiac University National Poll Finds; 68% of Americans Support The $1.9 Trillion Stimulus Relief Bill,” Quinnipiac University, Feb. 3, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/cm59npxs Data for the graphic are as follows: Action to be Taken | Percentage Who Approve | Percentage Who Disapprove | Halting construction of a wall along the U.S.-Mexican border | 54% | 42% | Creating a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children | 83% | 12% | Reversing President Trump's travel ban on people from predominantly Muslim countries | 57% | 36% | Last year, in a first for a Gallup survey, the share of Americans supporting more immigration exceeded those who opposed it. The survey found that 34 percent supported more immigration, up from 27 percent the year before, while the percentage favoring decreased immigration fell to a new low of 28 percent. Biden hopes to build on that support by reminding Americans that immigrant scientists “are on the frontlines of research” to develop coronavirus vaccines and treatments. And immigration advocates note that many of those providing essential services during the COVID-19 pandemic — from delivery drivers to hospital workers — are undocumented immigrants. “There's more support for immigrants in the U.S. than ever before,” Loweree says. “If there was ever a moment when immigration reform actually should pass in Congress, this is it.” Go to top Background Early Trends The demographic trends that helped Donald Trump win election in 2016 on a hard-line, anti-immigrant platform began taking shape more than 50 years ago, after President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. The law focused on family reunification and attracting skilled workers and ended discriminatory quotas first enacted in the 1920s that had favored immigrants from Northern Europe. But, in a classic case of unintended consequences, illegal immigration from Western Hemisphere countries, which had not previously been subject to quotas, and legal immigration from Asia and Africa surged. Over the next three decades, more than 18 million legal immigrants moved to the United States, more than triple the number admitted over the preceding 30 years. “Inadvertently, the 1965 legislation created the perfect conditions for an explosive growth in undocumented immigration from Latin America,” says Julia Young, an associate professor of history at The Catholic University of America in Washington. Immigration policy dramatically shifted again in 1986, when President Ronald Reagan signed the Immigration Reform and Control Act, combining tougher border enforcement with provisions that eventually allowed 2.7 million undocumented immigrants already in the United States to become legal permanent residents. Other comprehensive immigration reform measures failed in 2006 and 2013 after running into fierce opposition from House Republicans because they would have provided a path to citizenship for additional undocumented immigrants. President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012, preventing about 800,000 young undocumented immigrants from being deported. But he also deported about 2.8 million undocumented immigrants, more than any other administration — including Trump's. The Obama administration also began detaining migrant families in 2014 until courts halted the practice a year later. Trump Policies Trump began reshaping immigration policy immediately after taking office in 2017, authorizing construction of additional sections of a wall along the Southern border, banning travelers from some Muslim-majority countries and expanding the criteria for deportations. Trump pursued what he called a “merit-based” plan for admitting highly skilled, financially secure immigrants while excluding most other foreigners. But Congress was unenthusiastic about taking up the plan, at least partly because it did not address the DACA program and because some Republicans opposed its restrictions on legal immigration. So, Trump resorted to executive action. “He stuck to his guns and said, ‘Well, I'll do it myself,’” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, director of immigration and cross-border policy at the Bipartisan Policy Center, a think tank in Washington. Immigration measures stalled in Congress during Trump's tenure. The Senate emphatically rejected a 2018 White House-backed proposal to provide $25 billion for Trump's border wall and restrict legal immigration while offering a path to citizenship to 1.8 million Dreamers. The House passed legislation the following year giving Dreamers a chance at citizenship, but the Senate never considered it. Central American migrants, mostly from Honduras, are crammed into a truck in 2018 as part of a caravan traveling through Mexico to seek asylum in the United States. The Trump administration sought to deter them by making them ineligible for asylum if they crossed the border illegally, but a judge struck down the proposal. (AFP/Getty Images/Alfredo Estrella) | During his administration, Trump slashed refugee admissions to record-low levels, sharply limited access to asylum and permanent residency, ended Temporary Protected Status for immigrants from some countries plagued by civil war or natural disasters and made it more difficult for lawful permanent residents to become citizens. Other Trump policies included: Widespread use of family separation at the Southern border to deter migration, first as a pilot program in 2017 and later as part of Trump's zero tolerance policy, announced in April 2018. More than 5,000 families were torn apart before Trump ended the practice two months later in response to public and congressional outrage, but the separations continued on a limited basis. When Trump left office, the whereabouts of about 600 of the children remained unknown. An effort in 2017 to end DACA, while calling on Congress to devise a strategy for protecting Dreamers. Announcement of the public charge rule in September 2018. The Supreme Court had agreed to review the rule, but those cases were dismissed in March at the request of the Biden administration and groups challenging the rule. The January 2019 imposition of the Remain in Mexico policy, which resulted in about 69,000 migrants being forced to wait in Mexico — often in squalid, crime-infested camps — while their asylum requests were processed. When Biden took office, about 25,000 migrants were still waiting in such camps. A February 2019 declaration of a national emergency at the border to divert already appropriated Pentagon money and other government funds for a border wall, circumventing Congress' power of the purse. Suspension of $450 million in foreign aid to Northern Triangle countries in June 2019 on grounds they were not acting aggressively enough to curb northward migration. Critics assailed the move as counterproductive, saying the money was used to mitigate the poverty and crime that spurred migration. The Trump administration later restored some of the aid, citing “great progress” by Northern Triangle countries in containing migration. A July 2019 policy disqualifying Central American migrants from asylum unless they first applied for relief in one of the countries they had passed through on their way north. A U.S. district judge struck down the policy in July 2020. In early 2019, a rising tide of asylum-seekers created what federal officials described as a humanitarian and security crisis at the Southern border. But in response to the administration's hard-line policies, encounters at the border dropped 76 percent between May 2019 and March 2020. The number of people attempting to enter the United States at the Mexican border plummeted last spring, after President Donald Trump closed the border due to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, by the last quarter of 2020 — the beginning of fiscal 2021 — such attempts were higher than during the same period in recent years. Source: “Southwest Border Migration,” U.S. Customs and Border Protection, March 10, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/44pjamr6 Data for the graphic are as follows: Month | FY2019 Entry Attempts | FY2020 Entry Attempts | FY2021 Entry Attempts | October | 60,781 | 45,139 | 71,946 | November | 62,469 | 42,643 | 72,111 | December | 60,794 | 40,565 | 74,018 | January | 58,317 | 36,585 | 76,442 | February | 76,545 | 36,687 | 100,441 | March | 103,731 | 34,460 | Not Available | April | 109,415 | 17,106 | Not Available | May | 144,116 | 23,237 | Not Available | June | 104,311 | 33,049 | Not Available | July | 81,777 | 40,929 | Not Available | August | 62,707 | 50,014 | Not Available | September | 52,546 | 57,674 | Not Available | By then, the coronavirus was spreading throughout the country, and Trump accelerated his anti-immigration actions on the grounds that he was protecting public health. In March 2020, he directed officials to immediately deport without a hearing all migrants who showed up at land borders without documentation. Later that year, he halted issuance of new green cards for family members of U.S. citizens and highly skilled workers hoping to emigrate to the United States. He also canceled routine visa appointments and suspended naturalization ceremonies. During his first three years in office, Trump's anti-immigration efforts resulted in record-low caps on refugee admissions. But the impact of his policies was less dramatic in other areas. “At the end of the day, he was not that successful in making huge changes,” says Muzaffar Chishti, a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute. The number of green cards issued between 2017 and 2019, for example, declined only slightly and was in line with previous trends. Grants of asylum dropped from 2019 to 2020 but actually rose over the three-year period, even though immigration judges increasingly denied requests. “He pushed the immigration court system to push out more [asylum] cases,” Chishti says. “The more cases you push out, the more cases get approved.” The pandemic, however, “brought about a dramatic reduction in immigration, unlike anything seen in years,” said the Migration Policy Institute. As U.S. consulates closed, immigrant visas issued abroad fell 45 percent in fiscal 2020, and temporary work visas declined 54 percent, the institute said. Go to top Current Situation Dramatic Shift Biden's legislative proposal on immigration — the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021 — would be the most significant overhaul of immigration policy since 1986. It would allow an estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants who pass background checks and were in the country as of Jan. 1 to apply for a green card after five years of temporary legal status. They could then apply for citizenship three years later. Currently, it takes five years to obtain citizenship after receiving a green card. A separate group composed of Dreamers, Temporary Protected Status recipients and undocumented farmworkers could apply for a green card immediately, followed by the same three-year path to citizenship. Biden's measure also would: Allow certain immigrants deported during the Trump administration to seek permission to reunite with family or to re-enter for other humanitarian reasons. Raise caps on employment-based and family visas and begin reducing a backlog of green card applicants. Authorize a four-year, $4 billion program to help Northern Triangle countries address government corruption, poverty and other problems, and establish facilities in Central America where people could apply to resettle in the United States. The bill also would revive an Obama-era program allowing at-risk Central American children to reunite with U.S.-based family members. Offer community-based alternatives to immigrant detention and change the term “alien” to “noncitizen” in immigration laws. Expand technology at the Southern border for detecting illegal drugs and boost training in cultural awareness, ethics, community policing and other areas for ICE agents and U.S. Customs and Border Protection (USCBP) officials, who are responsible for securing the Northern and Southern borders. Hire new immigration judges and expand their discretion in providing asylum and other relief. Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N.J., who is leading the fight for Senate passage of the administration's proposal, said voters handed Biden a mandate that includes “fixing our immigration system, which is a cornerstone of Trump's hateful horror show.” But he acknowledged that getting the measure adopted “will be tough.” In the House, Democrats can afford to lose just five votes in their caucus if Republicans are united in opposition. In the evenly divided Senate, Vice President Kamala Harris could cast tie-breaking votes — but passing most major legislation requires 60 votes to overcome the threat of a filibuster, so Biden will need support from at least 10 Senate Republicans. It is unclear that support exists, especially since the GOP became more anti-immigrant under Trump. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., described the Biden proposal as “blanket amnesty” for people in the country illegally, and Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., claimed it showed “no regard for the health or security of Americans, and zero enforcement.” Democrats have not settled on a strategy for advancing Biden's priorities. Some, including Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., favor breaking the proposal into separate pieces and passing some measures using a process called budget reconciliation, which requires only 51 votes in the Senate. Other Democrats, including Menendez, want to move forward with a single bill. Democrats also could fold individual immigration proposals into other high-priority bills or move to eliminate the filibuster. Biden has said he opposes doing away with the filibuster but would support making it more difficult to use. Meanwhile, House Democratic leaders are moving ahead with smaller bills that would offer a pathway to citizenship to Dreamers and Temporary Protected Status recipients and would offer green cards to undocumented farmworkers. President Biden and Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas meet virtually on March 1 with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador to discuss immigration challenges along the U.S.-Mexico border. (Getty Images/Anna Moneymaker) | Biden will feel intense pressure to compromise on his proposal, even as progressives oppose any concessions and have urged the new president to abolish ICE and make illegal entry a civil rather than a criminal offense. Biden pledged on the campaign trail to rein in ICE but not eliminate it. Mayorkas, the first Latino to head the Department of Homeland Security, has said he opposes abolishing ICE, which is part of the agency. Both ICE and USCBP are currently run by temporary heads, and Biden has yet to nominate replacements. Progressives already are angry that some Democrats sided with Republicans in voting to deny coronavirus stimulus payments to undocumented immigrants. Biden also faces trust issues with some Democrats and advocacy groups due to his association with Obama's immigration policies when he was vice president. “Family detention was used widely in the Obama administration,” says Nithya Nathan-Pineau, an attorney and strategist for the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, an advocacy organization in San Francisco. “There were a lot of things that happened during the Obama administration that advocates have not forgotten.” Family Reunification Biden will have a similarly difficult task reuniting families separated at the border. The location of more than 600 children remains unknown after their parents were detained or deported and the children were sent to shelters, foster homes or relatives in the United States. “There's no central database with information on where the parent and child went,” says Nathan-Pineau. Even assuming the parents can be found, Biden must decide whether to allow the reunited families to remain in the United States and, if so, under what conditions. His executive order creating the reunification task force raises the possibility the families will receive legal status. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which has been working with other groups to find the children's parents, says Biden needs to offer legal status to all 5,500 families who were separated. “Given what the … families have been through, they deserve to be reunited and given safe refuge in the United States,” said Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU's Immigrants' Rights Project. Immigrant advocates want Congress to criminally punish Trump officials responsible for the separations. They point to a report released in January by the inspector general at the Homeland Security Department that says then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions told U.S. attorneys in May 2018, “We need to take away children” in order to deter migrant families from seeking asylum at the border. Go to top Outlook Investment Choices Biden's success in moving his immigration priorities through Congress depends largely on keeping large waves of asylum-seekers away from the Southern border, experts on both sides of the immigration debate say. Numerous family groups of migrants, including some from Haiti and Africa who have come up from South America, continue flowing toward the Southern border, according to reports from Mexico. “It would undermine most of (Biden's) plans,” Alex Nowrasteh, director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank in Washington, said of the possibility that new arrivals could overwhelm immigration facilities. “American voters want order on the border.” The Migration Policy Institute's Chishti and other experts say avoiding such a crisis will require cooperation from Mexico and the Northern Triangle countries. After meeting on March 1, Biden and Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador affirmed their commitment to cooperating on migration issues, but it was unclear whether Biden can count on Mexico's help in keeping migrants from the border. Growing pressure at the border also will test Biden's theory that helping Northern Triangle countries combat poverty and gang violence will be more effective than Trump's approach of withholding aid as a penalty for increased migration. Ries at the Heritage Foundation says Trump was right to condition U.S. aid on efforts by Northern Triangle countries to control their own borders. “The U.S. has poured foreign aid into that area for decades,” she says. “If it's not tied to anything, history has shown that money goes wasted.” Chishti agrees that trusting Northern Triangle countries to make their own decisions on spending U.S. aid would be a mistake. But if Biden requires that the aid be earmarked for job, education and anti-corruption programs, he says, “that may pay more dividends.” Go to top Pro/Con Pro Policy Attorney and Strategist, Immigrant Legal Resource Center. Written for CQ Researcher, March 2021 | The goal of immigration reform should be to create a system that welcomes immigrants, recognizes their full humanity, treats everyone with dignity and provides a path to citizenship. Pushing immigrants into the shadows, forcing them to live in constant fear of being separated from their families and basing immigration policy on hatred and alarm has brought the U.S. immigration system to its current state. The only path forward is an entirely new framework built on inclusion and recognition of the contributions made by immigrant communities. While the executive branch has broad powers to influence and affect immigration policy, Congress must act to dismantle the harm inflicted on immigrant communities and create a pathway to citizenship. For the vast majority of immigrants in the United States without legal status, no path to citizenship exists. This inexcusable travesty must be addressed immediately. Rather than forcing immigrants to live in fear and denying them health care, the right to work and other basic necessities, Congress must create an accessible, inclusive path to citizenship that does not create barriers, such as excessive fees or extensive criminal carveouts based on previous contacts with the criminal justice system. Such barriers will exclude many people and continue perpetuating injustice. Congress' program must include a broad, inclusive path to citizenship, because only as citizens do immigrants have the full rights and responsibilities enjoyed by their American-born family members. Temporary programs leave immigrant families and their futures' up to the whims of future administrations, do not provide a pathway to permanent status and do not allow family members to apply for entry on behalf of other family members living in dangerous situations back home. In 2020, the United States witnessed a reckoning with racial inequity and police brutality, founded in white supremacy, built into our government structures — including the immigration system. This has led to the criminalization and demonization of immigrants, culminating in the racist and xenophobic rhetoric and policies adopted by President Donald Trump. As public awareness of how racial bias infects our legal system grows, we will continue to push policymakers to reject immigration outcomes that rely on that system. And we have the American public on our side. Polls show overwhelming support for transforming the immigration system. The forces against us are white supremacy and racism. Which side would you want to be on in this fight? | Con Senior Research Fellow for Homeland Security, The Heritage Foundation. Written for CQ Researcher, March 2021 | No, Congress should not pass legislation to legalize the millions of individuals illegally present in the United States. Congress has an obligation to enact and enforce laws that lead to an orderly immigration system for our sovereign nation and for the American people. Over the past three decades, any discussion of legislation to give green cards to those here illegally has consistently triggered increases in the number of migrants from Central America, Mexico and elsewhere, inducing them to journey to the United States in the hope of obtaining green cards. Illegal immigration at the border is rising again, as migrants seek to benefit from President Biden's campaign promise of amnesty. Within just the first few weeks of the new administration, the Border Patrol is reporting more than 3,500 daily encounters, up from around 1,000 a day. These are crisis numbers — the very opposite of an orderly immigration system. The rise shows that the Biden administration has done enough damage to border security by suspending the effective “Remain in Mexico” program and declaring an end to the safe third-country agreements with the governments of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. Congress should not perpetuate or encourage even more illegal immigration by negotiating or debating a legalization program for illegal aliens in the United States. The administration claims the number of illegal residents eligible for green cards is 11 million. Yet a Yale-MIT study estimates the number to be more than 22 million. Notably, the left has purposely stymied gathering accurate data on the number of those illegal immigrants through the U.S. census and other means of data sharing. It would be the height of irresponsibility for Congress to pass amnesty legislation when it has no idea how many people are truly eligible for the benefit. Passing amnesty in the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act did not end illegal immigration. It merely generated the next cycle of illegal immigration, which has grown into numbers that dwarf the 3 million who applied under the 1986 amnesty. A new amnesty will perpetuate this cycle, rendering our immigration laws, passed by Congress, meaningless. The Remain in Mexico program and safe third-country agreements demonstrated that enforcing our immigration laws prevents illegal immigration. Congress should build on that success, rather than repeating past, failed amnesty legislation, particularly with an unknown applicant population size and cost. Americans want law and order, not more immigration chaos. | Go to top Discussion Questions Here are some questions to think about regarding immigration reform: Did President Donald Trump have a significant impact on immigration? Is Congress likely to enact President Biden's immigration reform package, in whole or in part? If in part, which elements are most likely to achieve passage? Does the current immigration system reflect U.S. values? How did the 1965 and 1986 immigration reform packages affect the influx of people from Latin America? Would Biden's plan to enable undocumented immigrants brought to the U.S. as children to eventually attain citizenship spur further influxes of undocumented immigrants? Imagine you are a parent with young children living in Central America. You hear from a relative living in the U.S. that there are job opportunities in the relative's community and that you could stay with your relative temporarily. Would you risk taking your children north and trying to enter the U.S.? Why or why not? Now imagine that you are a local official in a U.S. community near the U.S.-Mexican border. How would you feel about Biden's efforts to make immigration policy less restrictive? Go to top Chronology
| | 1800s–1900s | Congress moves toward restrictive immigration policy. | 1882 | The Chinese Exclusion Act, the first significant U.S. law restricting immigration based on nationality, bars immigration by Chinese laborers. | 1890 | The country's 9.2 million immigrants make up 14.8 percent of the population, the largest share ever. | 1891 | Congress creates an Immigration Bureau to process legal immigrants and enforce immigration restrictions. | 1924 | Immigration Act adopts quotas based on nationality to limit immigration from southern and eastern Europe…. Congress creates Border Patrol to monitor the northern and southern borders. | 1942 | Bracero Agreement recruits Mexicans to enter on temporary labor permits to work in agriculture and other industries during World War II. | 1965 | Immigration and Nationality Act, passed with strong bipartisan support by Congress and signed by Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson, ends the 1924 quotas and refocuses immigration policy on family reunification and attracting skilled workers. Immigration surges. | 1986 | Republican President Ronald Reagan signs the Immigration Reform and Control Act, which penalizes employers who hire undocumented immigrants, boosts funding for immigration enforcement and grants legal status to about 2.7 million undocumented immigrants who had arrived before 1982. | 1990 | Immigration Act, signed into law by President George H.W. Bush, retains focus on family reunification, more than doubles employment-related immigration and creates a lottery system to admit immigrants from “underrepresented” countries. | 1996 | Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act boosts enforcement of immigration restrictions but is hampered by lack of funding. | 2000–Present | Reform proposals founder in Congress; President Donald Trump reshapes policy through executive orders. President Biden reverses Trump's changes. | 2006 | Secure Fence Act authorizes 700 miles of fencing along U.S.-Mexico border. About 650 miles are completed by 2017. | 2012 | President Barack Obama creates the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program to prevent the deportation of undocumented immigrants brought to the country as children. | 2013 | Comprehensive immigration reform crafted by a bipartisan “Gang of Eight” senators passes Democratic-controlled Senate, but Republican-controlled House refuses to consider it because it allows undocumented immigrants to eventually apply for citizenship. | 2017 | After campaigning on restricting immigration, Trump orders construction of additional barriers along the Southern border, ramps up interior immigration enforcement, bans travel from some Muslim-majority and African countries and moves to end legal protections for DACA recipients. | 2018 | Trump's “zero tolerance” policy ramps up criminal prosecution of undocumented migrants caught crossing the Southern border, resulting in the separation of thousands of migrant children from their parents…. Trump announces he will implement “public charge” rule denying permanent resident status (“green cards”) to immigrants deemed likely to rely on public benefits. | 2019 | Administration announces Migration Protection Protocols policy, also known as Remain in Mexico, requiring asylum seekers at the Southern border to wait in Mexico while their requests are processed…. Number of migrants apprehended or declared inadmissible at the Southern border reaches a 13-year monthly high of 144,116…. Administration cuts aid to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras for failing to control migration to the U.S…. Lawyers describe inhumane conditions for migrant children held in detention centers…. Trump says border officials will deny asylum to migrants who did not apply for asylum in a country they passed through while traveling to the U.S.-Mexico border…. Number of legal and undocumented immigrants in the U.S. reaches a record 45 million. | 2020 | Citing the coronavirus, Trump begins summarily expelling all undocumented migrants at border crossings…. To protect U.S. workers from job competition during the coronavirus pandemic, Trump temporarily stops issuing green cards to foreigners…. Supreme Court prevents Trump from ending DACA…. Trump expands green-card suspension to include some highly skilled and seasonal guest workers, while exempting farm workers, and extends it for the rest of 2020…. Trump sets fiscal 2021 refugee cap at 15,000 — a historic low. | 2021 | President Biden sends legislation to Congress that would create a pathway to citizenship for the country's nearly 11 million undocumented immigrants; he also takes executive action to reverse Trump's travel ban affecting people from seven Muslim-majority countries, reaffirm DACA protections and halt construction of border barriers (January)…. Biden administration suspends deportations for 100 days, but a federal judge blocks the move (January)…. Biden creates task force to reunite migrant families separated at the Southern border by the Trump administration, announces plans to raise cap on refugee admissions, begins process of ending Remain in Mexico policy, rescinds green-card suspension and orders review of public charge rule (February)…. Apprehensions along U.S.-Mexico border jump sharply, raising fears that surging numbers of migrant families and unaccompanied children will overwhelm immigration facilities; in response, Biden officials reopen a Trump-era holding facility for migrant children and announce they will release migrant family members seeking asylum into the United States within 72 hours of their arrival (March). | | | Go to top Short Features “Chaotic, crowded and confusing.” That was how Associated Press reporters summed up what they observed while visiting immigration courts around the country in November 2019. The reporters found some immigration judges handling nearly 90 cases a day in a losing battle to keep pace with a massive, systemwide backlog of cases. And many migrants were waiting years for a hearing in their effort to avoid deportation, only to have the hearing postponed due to an overcrowded docket or because no interpreter could be found. “It's been more difficult to get my client's case heard than to litigate [it],” W. Paul Alvarez, an immigration attorney in Mount Kisco, N.Y., said. “It's kind of crazy.” Today, the backlog of cases in immigration courts is even worse, after more than doubling during former President Donald Trump's tenure. Courts in California and Texas face the largest caseloads. Immigrants targeted for deportation, who are overwhelmingly from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and El Salvador, now wait an average of more than four years just to have their case heard. The backlog poses a serious challenge to President Biden as he works to erase Trump's hard-line immigration policies and fulfill a campaign promise to “preserve the dignity of immigrant families, refugees and asylum-seekers.” “Even if the administration halted immigration enforcement entirely, it would still take more than … Biden's entire first term in office — assuming prepandemic case completion rates — for the cases now in the active backlog to be completed,” according to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), a research organization at Syracuse University that analyzes federal government data. Already, Biden has significantly narrowed the criteria for deportation. But he also has begun allowing thousands of migrants — required under a Trump-era policy to wait in Mexico while their asylum claims were processed — to enter the United States, a move that will add to the immigration court backlog. The nation's 69 immigration courts and their 520 judges handle civil cases in which undocumented immigrants apprehended by immigration authorities at the border or inside the country are fighting deportation, often without an attorney. Such proceedings do not occur until any criminal prosecution for illegal entry has been completed. Many people appearing in immigration court are seeking asylum, claiming they would be in danger if returned to their home country. Others request cancellation of deportation orders, or even legal permanent residency, for various reasons, such as having strong family ties to a legal U.S. resident. When Trump became president in 2017, the immigration court system faced 542,411 pending cases. That increased to almost 1.3 million during Trump's four-year focus on expanding deportations of undocumented immigrants, combined with temporary courtroom closures due to the coronavirus pandemic. Although the budget for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, which manages the immigration court system, rose 53 percent between fiscal 2017 and fiscal 2020, that was not enough to keep pace with the growing workload. The number of unresolved cases pending in U.S. immigration courts more than doubled during the Trump administration, with would-be immigrants waiting an average of more than four years to have their cases heard. Source: “The State of the Immigration Courts: Trump Leaves Biden 1.3 Million Case Backlog in Immigration Courts,” TRAC Immigration, Jan. 19, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/7sajk5dj Data for the graphic are as follows: Time Period | Number of Cases | January 2017 | 542,411 | December 2020 | 1,290,766 | Biden has promised to double the number of immigration judges and wants Congress to restore those judges' “discretion to review cases and grant relief to deserving individuals,” something advocates for immigrants say was almost nonexistent under Trump. In January, Biden replaced James McHenry, Trump's director of the Executive Office for Immigration Review, with Jean King, the agency's former general counsel, naming her acting director. McHenry defended his agency's work in November 2019, telling Congress that while cases were seriously backed up, the immigration court system had made “considerable progress … restoring its reputation as a fully-functioning, efficient and impartial administrative court system fully capable of rendering timely decisions consistent with due process.” Trump said in 2018 that he would prefer to make immigration courts unnecessary, arguing that undocumented immigrants should be immediately sent back to their home countries “with no judges or court cases.” But that would violate the Constitution's guarantee of due process for every “person” in the country, a guarantee the Supreme Court has said extends to undocumented immigrants. Judicial discretion is not a certainty in the immigration court system, as it is in other courts, because the system is part of the executive branch. “The Department of Justice controls the immigration courts,” says Greg Chen, senior director of government relations for the American Immigration Lawyers Association, a Washington group that advocates for improved immigration laws. Advocates for immigrants said Trump's administration appointed immigration judges who favored deportation and pressured judges to resolve cases quickly rather than fairly, partly by setting quotas for closing cases. The rate at which judges denied asylum increased from about 55 percent to 72 percent under Trump, according to TRAC. About 300 judges appointed by Trump “demonstrated highly biased viewpoints against asylum seekers and other people … appearing before the court,” Chen says. In a December 2019 lawsuit, six immigrants' rights groups accused Trump administration officials of manipulating the courts “to serve an anti-immigrant agenda.” Trump's former attorney general, Jeff Sessions, who served from February 2017 to November 2018, said reforms were needed to root out bogus asylum claims. Turnover among immigration court judges increased significantly under Trump, with many judges retiring in response to what they viewed as the administration's attacks on due process. “Judges are going to other federal agencies and retiring as soon as possible,” said A. Ashley Tabaddor, then-president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, the union representing immigration court judges. “They just don't want to deal with it. It's become unbearable.” The union and many immigration experts want Congress to establish an independent immigration court system outside the Justice Department's control. “We won't see progress in immigration courts until we create a court system that is not as subject to political influence as it is today,” says Austin Kocher, a research associate professor in communications at Syracuse University who works on TRAC. — Val Ellicott
Bibliography
Books
Goodman, Adam, The Deportation Machine: America's Long History of Expelling Immigrants, Princeton University Press, 2020. An assistant professor of history at the University of Illinois, Chicago, recounts the troubling history of efforts by public officials at all levels of government to single out immigrants for expulsion.
Hirschfeld Davis, Julie, and Michael D. Shear, Border Wars: Inside Trump's Assault on Immigration, Simon & Schuster, 2020. An editor (Davis) and a reporter (Shear) at The New York Times detail how former President Donald Trump and his top immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, worked to shut the nation's doors to asylum-seekers, refugees and other migrants while conditioning Americans to view immigration as a threat to national security.
Salam, Reihan, Melting Pot or Civil War? A Son of Immigrants Makes the Case Against Open Borders, Sentinel, 2018. A magazine editor and the U.S.-born son of Bangladeshi immigrants argues that unlimited immigration encourages income inequality and social injustice and recommends that U.S. immigration policy prioritize high skilled workers in order to avoid “a new populist revolt.”
Yang, Jia Lynn, One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924-1965, W.W. Norton and Co., 2020. The national editor at The New York Times looks at the activists, presidents and others who worked to abolish the discriminatory nationality quotas of the 1920s, setting the stage for the 1965 law that opened the country's doors to millions of immigrants.
Articles
Narea, Nicole, “Progressives are getting ready to push Biden on immigration reform,” Vox, Dec. 11, 2020, https://tinyurl.com/1dk3ccky. An immigration reporter says some Democrats in Congress will demand that President Biden take aggressive action on immigration that includes creating alternatives to deportation and expanding immigrants' access to health care.
Reklaitis, Victor, and Robert Schroeder, “All of President Biden's key executive orders — in one chart,” MarketWatch, Feb. 18, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/yrza7ja9. The authors provide a concise summary of Biden's executive orders, proclamations and memoranda on immigration and other issues since taking office in January.
Shear, Michael D., “Democratic Lawmakers Introduce Biden's Immigration Overhaul in House,” The New York Times, Feb. 18, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/e9s1zkoh. A reporter explains the key provisions of Biden's legislation to chart a new course for U.S. immigration policy and undo the actions taken by former President Donald Trump.
Wise, Alana, “Biden Team Unveils New Asylum System To Replace Trump's ‘Remain In Mexico,’” NPR, Feb. 12, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/187hyv8i. In allowing entry by asylum seekers forced to wait in Mexico under previous U.S. policy, the Biden administration faces a difficult challenge in avoiding a rush of migrants to the U.S.-Mexico border.
Reports and Studies
“The State of the Immigration Courts: Trump Leaves Biden 1.3 Million Case Backlog in Immigration Courts,” Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, Jan. 19, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/zyz1v3h1. A Syracuse University research center analyzes the backlog of immigration court cases hindering President Biden's efforts to reverse his predecessor's immigration legacy.
Loweree, Jorge, Aaron Reichlin-Melnick and Walter Ewing, “The Impact of COVID-19 on Noncitizens and Across the U.S. Immigration System,” American Immigration Council, Sept. 30, 2020, https://tinyurl.com/1o6ar8py. An immigrant advocacy group catalogs the Trump administration's coronavirus-related policies on legal and illegal immigration.
Pierce, Sarah, and Jessica Bolter, “Dismantling and Reconstructing the U.S. Immigration System: A Catalog of Changes under the Trump Presidency,” Migration Policy Institute, July 2020, https://tinyurl.com/1axy7kij. A pro-immigration think tank analyzes President Donald Trump's more than 400 actions taken to reshape asylum policies, refugee programs, deportation priorities and other aspects of immigration.
Ries, Lora, “President Trump and Joe Biden: Comparing Immigration Policies,” Heritage Foundation, Oct. 21, 2020, https://tinyurl.com/56vf3j5a. A senior research fellow at a conservative think tank breaks down the policy differences between Biden and his predecessor on immigration policy, including the border wall, asylum programs and protections for undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children.
Go to top The Next Step Biden's Plans Ferris, Sarah, Heather Caygle and Laura Barrón-López, “‘Not quite ready yet’: Democrats won't take up Biden immigration plan this month,” Politico, March 4, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/5xrdahfy. House Democrats reportedly do not have enough votes yet to pass President Biden's comprehensive immigration bill. Kumar, Anita, “Biden yet to act on overturning some Trump immigration policies,” Politico, March 9, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/ykju7zaw. The Department of Homeland Security may ask courts to overturn Trump-era immigration policies, rather than replace them through the time-consuming process of issuing new regulations. Min Kim, Seung, “Next Biden agenda items on immigration and infrastructure already running into trouble,” The Washington Post, March 11, 2011, https://tinyurl.com/hf4827hk. Facing dissension within their ranks about Biden's proposed immigration package, congressional Democrats may try to pass smaller pieces of the measure separately, such as creating a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children and permanent residency permits for farm workers without legal status. Immigration Courts Brache, Laura, “A Day With A Charlotte Immigration Attorney Inside One Of The Nation's Toughest Courts,” WFAE, March 11, 2011, https://tinyurl.com/5btendn4. A reporter follows an immigration attorney in Charlotte, N.C., where more than 80 percent of asylum cases end in deportation. Frost, Amanda, “Deportation Without Disclosure: Immigration Courts Need Transparency,” Bloomberg Law, Feb. 23, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/6sxn3jje. A law professor argues that all immigration court rulings should be made public, after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit ruled that only the nation's highest immigration court must disclose its opinions. Levinson, Reade, Kristina Cooke and Mica Rosenberg, “Special Report: How Trump administration left indelible mark on U.S. immigration courts,” Reuters, March 8, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/ffza7sct. Judges appointed by President Donald Trump were more likely to deny asylum claims than those appointed by other presidents. Remain in Mexico Alvarez, Priscilla, “Infamous tent camp on US-Mexico border drawn down after Biden ends Trump policy,” CNN Politics, March 7, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/rysvzzsu. Temporary migrant camps in Mexico are emptying as the Biden administration allows an estimated 25,000 migrants who have active asylum cases to cross the border into the United States to wait for their cases to be adjudicated. Kocher, Adam, “Biden ends policy forcing asylum-seekers to ‘remain in Mexico’ — but for 41,247 migrants, it's too late,” The Conversation, March 10, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/57k9ajud. Most of the asylum seekers forced to remain in Mexico during the Trump administration were denied asylum. Smith, Michael, and Naureen S Malik, “Biden Ends Trump's ‘Remain in Mexico’ Rule, and a Border Camp Empties,” Bloomberg, March 1, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/ypvuauzk. Migrants living in border camps in Mexico faced harsh and unhealthy conditions as they waited for their asylum claims to be processed. Unaccompanied Minors Blitzer, Jonathan, “Biden Has Few Good Options for the Unaccompanied Children at the Border,” The New Yorker, March 9, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/3y223mas. The Biden administration began accepting unaccompanied children claiming asylum at the border, reversing a Trump policy, but as space in shelters runs out the new rule has led to decisions to use adult holding facilities that were criticized during the Trump administration. Miroff, Nick, “At border, record number of migrant youths wait in adult detention cells for longer than legally allowed,” The Washington Post, March 10, 2021, https://tinyurl.com/5h3nw9j6. Migrant teens and children are spending an average of 107 hours in concrete cells built for adults in Border Patrol stations as they await transfer to a shelter, a time period that is well over the 72-hour legal limit. Romo, Vanessa, “Number Of Unaccompanied Minors Entering U.S. Soared In February,” NPR, March 11, 2011, https://tinyurl.com/2thre58n. The number of unaccompanied minors and families seeking to enter the United States through the Southwest border more than doubled from January to February. Go to top Contacts American Civil Liberties Union 915 15th St., N.W., Washington, DC 20005 212-549-2666 aclu.org/issues/immigrants-rights Civil rights group that defends immigrants' rights and is working to locate migrant children separated from their families at the Southern border. Federation for American Immigration Reform 25 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Suite 330, Washington, DC 20001 202-328-7004 fairus.org Policy group that advocates for limiting immigration “to manage growth, address environmental concerns and maintain a high quality of life.” Migration Policy Institute 1400 16th St., N.W., Suite 300, Washington, DC 20036 202-266-1940 migrationpolicy.org A think tank that analyzes immigration data, recommends policies and tracks trends. Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse 215 University Place, Suite 360, Newhouse II, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, 13244 315-443-3563 trac.syr.edu Research group that analyzes and disseminates data on federal policies affecting immigration and other issues. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services 111 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, DC 20529 800-375-5283 uscis.gov Department of Homeland Security agency that oversees the country's immigration system. U.S. Customs and Border Protection 1300 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Washington, DC 20004 877-227-5511 cbp.gov Homeland Security agency that enforces immigration laws at the country's borders. Go to top
Footnotes
Go to top
About the Author
Val Ellicott is a Washington-based writer and editor and a former editor at CQ Researcher. Before that, he worked for 14 years as an editor at Gannett and USA Today in Washington, and spent 12 years covering investigative stories, court news and the medical beat at The Palm Beach Post in Florida. He received a masters degree in journalism in 1986 from Columbia University.
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Document APA Citation
Ellicott, V. (2021, March 19). Immigration overhaul. CQ researcher, 31, 1-24. http://library.cqpress.com/
Document ID: cqresrre2021031900
Document URL: http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre2021031900
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Immigration and Naturalization |
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Mar. 19, 2021 |
Immigration Overhaul |
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Feb. 24, 2017 |
Immigrants and the Economy |
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Sep. 02, 2016 |
U.S.-Mexico Relations |
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Oct. 23, 2015 |
Immigrant Detention |
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Sep. 27, 2013 |
Border Security |
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Mar. 09, 2012 |
Immigration Conflict |
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Dec. 2010 |
Europe's Immigration Turmoil |
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Sep. 19, 2008 |
America's Border Fence |
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Feb. 01, 2008 |
Immigration Debate  |
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May 04, 2007 |
Real ID |
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May 06, 2005 |
Illegal Immigration |
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Jul. 14, 2000 |
Debate Over Immigration |
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Jan. 24, 1997 |
The New Immigrants |
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Feb. 03, 1995 |
Cracking Down on Immigration |
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Sep. 24, 1993 |
Immigration Reform |
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Apr. 24, 1992 |
Illegal Immigration |
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Jun. 13, 1986 |
Immigration |
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Dec. 10, 1976 |
Illegal Immigration |
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Dec. 13, 1974 |
The New Immigration |
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Feb. 12, 1964 |
Immigration Policy Revision |
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Feb. 06, 1957 |
Immigration Policy |
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Nov. 27, 1951 |
Emigration from Europe |
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Feb. 09, 1945 |
Immigration to Palestine |
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Sep. 30, 1940 |
Forced Migrations |
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Apr. 18, 1939 |
Immigration and Deportation |
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Jul. 27, 1931 |
Deportation of Aliens |
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Mar. 12, 1929 |
The National-Origin Immigration Plan |
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Aug. 19, 1927 |
Immigration from Canada and Latin America |
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Nov. 01, 1926 |
Quota Control and the National Origin System |
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Jul. 12, 1924 |
Immigration and its Relation to Political and Economic Theories and Party Affiliation |
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