Non-Military Weapons in Cold-War Offensive

April 12, 1951

Report Outline
Political Offensive Against Communism
Evidences of Unrest Behind Iron Curtain
Activities of Exile Groups in United States

Political Offensive Against Communism

Proposed Political General Staff for Cold War

Mounting evidence of unrest among peoples behind the Iron Curtain has reinforced demands that the United States, without relaxing the drive to build up military defenses, launch a vigorous non-military offensive to undermine Communist influence and rally the forces of freedom. An indication that the administration may be preparing a move in that direction has been given by reports that President Truman is studying plans for full integration of cold-war activities. Formation of a body in the nature of a political general staff to take over top direction of United States policy in a stepped-up non-military offensive against Communism is believed to be under consideration.

An interdepartmental National Psychological Strategy Board, under the chairmanship of the Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs, was set up in mid-August 1950 to coordinate “foreign information and psychological strategy in situations where joint action by more than one agency of the government is required in this field.” Lately, the President is said to have become dissatisfied with this setup but to have run into a conflict of views between the State Department, which wishes to keep the chief coordinating role, and the Defense Department, which favors a separate coordinating agency. It has been reported that a compromise solution may be found in the appointment of a new Psychological Strategy Board responsible jointly to the State and Defense Departments, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Council, and with a full-time director working under the senior staff of the National Security Council.

Call for Strong Counter Measures Short of War

Although the Voice of America has steadily expanded its “campaign of truth” since the international crisis began to deepen, numerous persons have been insisting that the United States should adopt a more aggressive policy in the non-military struggle with the Kremlin. In a panel discussion at Princeton, Feb. 22, for example, Charles D. Jackson, president of the National Committee for a Free Europe, declared that in psychological warfare truth was not enough; what was needed was money and an attitude of “no holds barred and no questions asked.” William A. Eddy, former U. S. minister to Saudi Arabia and another participant in the Princeton panel, added that “truth, like a virgin, can only work on the right side of the tracks,” and that “there is need of subversive action for the red-light district.”

ISSUE TRACKER for Related Reports
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Feb. 10, 1989  Soviet Trade: In America's Best Interest?
Nov. 01, 1985  U.S.-Soviet Summitry
Jul. 09, 1982  Controlling Scientific Information
May 25, 1973  Trends in U.S.-Soviet Relations
Apr. 05, 1972  Russia's Diplomatic Offensive
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Mar. 10, 1971  Indian Ocean Policy
Apr. 21, 1965  Negotiations with Communists
Nov. 13, 1963  Scientific Cooperation with the Soviet Union
Oct. 03, 1963  Trade with the Communists
Sep. 11, 1963  Non-Aggression Pacts and Surprise Attack
Oct. 11, 1961  East-West Negotiations
Mar. 29, 1961  Russia and United Nations
Aug. 10, 1960  Challenged Monroe Doctrine
Sep. 02, 1959  American-Soviet Trade
Jul. 03, 1959  Cultural Exchanges with Soviet Russia
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Jul. 23, 1958  Limited War
May 14, 1958  Cold War Propaganda
Feb. 26, 1958  Military Disengagement
Feb. 20, 1957  Indirect Aggression
Jul. 25, 1956  Trading with Communists
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Nov. 26, 1954  Peaceful Coexistence
Dec. 01, 1953  Tests of Allied Unity
Sep. 18, 1953  Negotiating with the Reds
Jun. 17, 1953  East-West Trade
Apr. 12, 1951  Non-Military Weapons in Cold-War Offensive
Apr. 20, 1949  Mediterranean Pact and Near East Security
Apr. 28, 1948  Trade with Russia
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Regional Political Affairs: Russia and the Former Soviet Union
U.S. at War: Cold War